Michael A. Gottesman is the founder of the New Jersey Public Education Coalition, a nonpartisan group that advocates for secular public education.
The Nov. 3 midterm elections have given Democrats majorities in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, putting them in control of Congress when the new members take office. They now face an important decision: will they address the enormous problems confronting American families, or make Donald Trump and impeachment the centerpiece of their agenda?
Immediately pursuing impeachment would be a serious mistake.
I say that as someone deeply critical of Trump, his administration, and many of his policies. My opposition to an impeachment-first agenda is not a defense of Trump. It is a defense of Americans who have spent too long watching political warfare while their problems grow.
Americans are struggling. In October, a AP-NORC poll found that 85% of voters considered the economy among their most important voting issues, while 84% said the same of the cost of living.
In the same time frame, a Pew Research Center survey reported widespread concern about energy, food, healthcare, and housing costs. These are the realities of parents choosing between groceries and childcare, seniors stretching fixed incomes, and young adults unable to afford a home.
These people do not need another Washington spectacle. They need results.
Impeachment is a constitutional safeguard, not a political strategy. Congress must investigate credible evidence of corruption, abuse of power, or other serious misconduct, no matter who occupies the White House. But there is a difference between legitimate oversight and deciding in advance that impeachment will define the next Congress.
House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries struck both notes in his election-night speech, promising to deliver change while declaring, “We’re going to bring accountability to those who have visited unprecedented corruption on this country.”
I agree that credible abuses must be investigated and those responsible held accountable. But that pursuit must remain secondary to governing. Democrats should not allow investigations, however warranted, to consume the time, attention and political capital needed to deliver the changes Americans are demanding. Accountability should support the work of government, not become a substitute for it.
The House can impeach by a simple majority, but conviction and removal require two-thirds of the senators present. Democrats’ Senate majority is still nowhere near the 67 votes needed if all 100 senators participate. In other words, they could have the votes to impeach but not the votes to remove Trump.
That makes an impeachment-first agenda even harder to justify: months of hearings, a Senate trial and relentless headlines could dominate Washington without changing who occupies the White House, while groceries remain expensive, healthcare remains unaffordable and housing shortages persist.
There is also a political danger. Trump has repeatedly turned confrontation into a major part of his public messaging. An immediate impeachment drive could allow him to shift attention from scrutiny of his policies to claims of persecution. Whether that approach would work is unknowable. But Democrats need not make it easier for debate to revolve around political scores rather than policy outcomes.
Imagine instead a Congress devoted to healthcare costs, affordable housing, Social Security and Medicare, public education, childcare, wages, prescription prices, and consumer protection. Imagine committees examining why full-time work still leaves so many households financially insecure. Not every bill would become law: Trump would still hold the veto pen, and Senate rules could block legislation even under Democratic majorities.
But voters would see concrete priorities and meaningful choices.
Accountability and governing are not mutually exclusive.
Congress can hold hearings, demand records through lawful processes, scrutinize contracts and spending, and expose abuses. If credible evidence establishes misconduct serious enough to warrant impeachment, Congress must assess that evidence and fulfill its constitutional duty. The point is not to rule impeachment out if compelling evidence and constitutional obligations demand it. It is to refuse to treat impeachment as an automatic reward for winning an election, particularly when the votes for removal are absent.
» READ MORE: The Case for Impeachment | Opinion
Trust in government has suffered while Americans watch both parties accuse one another of putting advantage ahead of public service. The incoming Democratic congressional majority has a chance to demonstrate a different approach. That does not mean excusing wrongdoing or abandoning principles. It means understanding that power is a means of serving the public, not an end in itself.
Families trying to put food on the table, seniors worried about medical bills, and parents concerned about their children’s futures deserve to see Congress tackle those concerns. Investigate wrongdoing when evidence warrants it. Hold the administration accountable. Defend the Constitution. But do not confuse retaliation with public service.
The measure of congressional success should not be how effectively one party punishes another. It should be whether Americans’ lives improve because their representatives were entrusted with power.